By H. T. Wallinga
This quantity offers with Xerxes’ invasion of Greece (480 B.C.), rather as a naval operation. It examines the traditions preserved via Aischylos, Herodotos, and others opposed to the history of the innovative naval advancements within the interval previous Xerxes’ determination to assault. one of the topics mentioned are: the naval strain on Persian overseas coverage; the power in numbers of the Persian army in 480; its deployment within the waters of Salamis concerning the actual positive aspects of the battlefield and the location of the Greeks; Themistokles’ mythical message as a key to the Persian plan of assault; the standard of the opposing ships and their tactical features; the conflict of Salamis itself and its final result. The e-book comprises maps and a photo of the realm mentioned.
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Extra info for Xerxes' Greek Adventure: The Naval Perspective (Mnemosyne, Bibliotheca Classica Batava. Supplementum, Vol. 264.)
Regarding the Persians, it is clear that as soon as he had made his calculation, Themistokles may well have judged that he had as little reason to worry about them as they about his navy. 12); all the other sources specify 100 as the total. W. ). ) by C. Hude in his critical commentary: Ñ[dihkÒsiaw] conieci’. I have no doubt that this deletion is right. On the relationship between the initial target of 100 ships and the ﬁnal yield of 200 see Wallinga 1993: 148ﬀ. 42 Aigina mobilized 18 and 30 respectively, Sparta 10 and 16, Sikyon 12 and 15, Epidauros 8 and 10, Hermione 0 and 3.
In this case it is not unlikely that the competition the new democracy could (or already did) oﬀer to Ionian trade was an additional reason, but no doubt the ships were more important. Especially if the Naxian navy Herodotos projects here was associated with the democratic regime, hence of recent date (see Jeﬀery 1976: 181), it stands to reason that some of the ‘many galleys’ were triremes, in any case that the building of ships of this type was expected: the proximity of the Persian navy and the even closer nearness of Polykrates’ triremes, now eliminated, ruled out the building of other, older naval types.
On the subject in general see A. Kuhrt (1988: 87–99). It would beneﬁt from more, and far more critical, study. 30 chapter one the Greek arms race looked far more dangerous to them than the numerical analysis just oﬀered would seem to justify. A secure basis of explanation for this totally diﬀerent appraisal of course fails us for lack of real information about the premisses of Persian policymaking at this juncture, but it is possible to sketch the Persian predicament that was caused by the Athenian building programme itself and its possible repercussions.