By Kevin Gilmartin
Conservative tradition within the Romantic interval shouldn't be understood simply as an attempt to maintain the previous regime in Britain opposed to the specter of revolution. as an alternative, conservative thinkers and writers aimed to rework British tradition and society to accomplish a good destiny unlike the harmful upheavals occurring in France. Kevin Gilmartin explores the literary different types of counterrevolutionary expression in Britain, exhibiting that whereas conservative events have been usually vulnerable to regard print tradition as a dangerously volatile or even subversive box, an entire diversity of print varieties - ballads, stories, dialogues, novels, severe studies - grew to become critical instruments within the counterrevolutionary crusade. starting with the pamphlet campaigns of the loyalist organization move and the inexpensive Repository within the 1790s, Gilmartin analyses the position of periodical reports and anti-Jacobin fiction within the crusade opposed to revolution, and closes with a clean account of the conservative careers of Robert Southey and Samuel Taylor Coleridge.
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Extra info for Writing Against Revolution: Literary Conservatism in Britain, 1790-1832
Are broadly characteristic of a didactic mode, they serve here to identify knowledge as a mediated and communicated phenomenon. And far from evincing embedded forms of vernacular wisdom, these proverbs are regularly subject to authorial elaborations that depart from the terms of the original formula: the theater of human life is no longer a place where individuals can safely ignore the situation of their fellow spectators; summer evenings in a country village betray the frustrations of the rich rather than the happiness of the poor.
4 Yet even a ‘‘one object’’ assessment of the Association need not exclude a variety of means. Loyalists were flexible in conceiving their own activity, and they endorsed approaches to public enterprise that ranged from repression and opposition (‘‘against’’) through conservation (‘‘preserving’’) to more autotelic energy (‘‘exertions’’) and even a kind of self-invention (‘‘to form ourselves into’’). The complex historical possibilities expressed by conservative activism have been more fully acknowledged in recent years by H.
P. ’’18 The dilemma of close ministerial affiliation was intensified by the Association’s powerful sense of its own conservative mission (‘‘preserving’’) with respect to an unprecedented radical challenge. The threat of Jacobinism seemed so subversive and conspiratorial as to require thorough elimination. The more the Association appeared as a result to seek a monopoly on public expression, through a systematic campaign of legal harassment developed in concert with the government, the more it could be viewed as a dangerous innovation rather than a legitimate extension of longstanding (and in national terms, essentially disorganized) traditions of civic association in support of government policy.