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By Stuart Schram

The main basic and possibly the longest enduring expression of Mao Tse-Tung's contribution to the chinese language revolution used to be his notion. Stuart Schram's new booklet examines the unfolding of Mao's rules, and in doing so sheds new mild on different points of Mao Tse-Tung's existence and instances. the writer strains the phases within the formation of Mao's proposal from the may perhaps Fourth interval during the Peasant circulation, the lengthy years of armed fight opposed to the Kuomintang and the japanese invaders, the basis of a brand new nation, his efforts to plan a "Chinese street to socialism," the Sino-Soviet break up, and the so-called "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." the writer bargains a desirable and sure-footed research of Mao's highbrow itinerary, spotting the confident price of the participatory and anti-bureaucratic thrust of his idea, and of his efforts to hyperlink Marxism with chinese language fact. This authoritative textual content is drawn from Volumes thirteen and 15 of The Cambridge historical past of China, with the addition of a brand new creation and end written specifically for the amount.

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Extra resources for The Thought of Mao Tse-Tung (Contemporary China Institute Publications)

Sample text

If this present Hunanese autonomist movement were to be successfully established, but if its source were to reside not in the "people", but outside the "people", then I venture to assert that such a movement could not last long. ' 30 As for the broader context in which these statements were made, Mao and the co-authors of the proposal of 7 October 1920 for a constitutional convention summed up their views about the relation between political developments at the provincial and national levels as follows: The self-government law the Hunanese need now is like that of an American state constitution—China is now divided into many pieces, and we do not know when a national constitution will be produced; in fact, we are afraid that first 29 (No to the despotism of industry and commerce), ibid.

But at the same time Mao never hesitated, throughout his political career, to enter boldly into things, and to participate in concrete organizational work. The other question raised by Mao's writings during the Hunanese autonomist movement concerns the 'people' on whose behalf these activities were to be carried out, and from whom the initial impulse and inspiration for the movement were to come. By putting the term in quotation marks, Mao himself underscored its ambiguity. Were these the 'popular masses' (min-chung) of his 1919 article?

40 MAO TSE-TUNG S THOUGHT TO I 949 of reaction in the old society, and of the rural revolutionary forces in overthrowing them — he went on to argue against the importance of the cities: There are those who say that the rampant savagery exercised by the compradors in the cities is altogether comparable to the rampant savagery of the landlord class in the countryside, and that the two should be put on the same plane. It is true that there is rampant savagery, but it is not true that it is of the same order.

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