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By R. N. Berki

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5 Donor bashing has sometimes combined with donor bragging, that is, hyperbolic claims about programme outcomes. Clearly, there have been difficulties in making thorough and perhaps objective assessments of effects and results, while consequences too often escape the short-term mentality of many aid programmes. A further problem lies in a lack of coordination between different donor agencies, arising from the increased involvement of different actors. This may be serious when efforts are duplicated and cause confusion, although in fact there is much scope for complementary activity between different organisations.

9 Such judgements in the literature on DP, it should be pointed out, are commonly oriented towards Third World experience. 10 But criticism of the EU’s deficiencies in its DP vis-àvis African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states – including problems of democratic deficit in its procedures – apply much less to Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) applicant states because the procedures of DP, which go hand-in-hand with DC, are with the latter far tighter. There is an even greater differential in terms of the pull exerted by the EU and its consequent democratising effects.

Starting with an abrupt overthrow of the authoritarian regime, this transition then embarked on a disruptive course during 1975, including attempts from both reactionary Right and hard Left to challenge the option of a liberal democracy. The EC delayed granting aid to Portugal until the autumn of that year and then with the stipulation that Portugal must have a multiparty democracy. And reservations remained until the first free election of April 1975 revealed the unexpected strength of the moderate parties.

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