By Dries Lesage, T. Van de Graaf, Thijs Van de Graaf
The increase of recent powers resembling China and India is sending shockwaves throughout the worldwide multilateral procedure. This quantity systematically examines how thirteen multilateral associations are responding to this shift, with a few deploying cutting edge outreach and reform actions, whereas others are paralyzed by means of gridlock or maybe retreat from the worldwide scene.
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Additional resources for Rising Powers and Multilateral Institutions
In the absence of such reform, dissatisﬁed rising powers may decide to disengage from the multilateral institution. If the institution is a global institution with equal governance, the rise of new powers could make negotiations more difﬁcult and give rise to a situation of gridlock. Here, adaptation practices could consist of a change in the compositions of the informal and select decision-making circles of the major players. Alternatively, parties could look for other institutional settings outside the multilateral institution to advance their interests.
China’s Re-Emergence and the Future of the Asia-Paciﬁc,” Survival, 39(4), 65–79. Patrick, Stewart M. (2009). The Best Laid Plans: The Origins of American Multilateralism and the Dawn of the Cold War. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littleﬁeld. Pierson, Paul (2004). Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Raustiala, Kal and Victor, David G. (2004). “The Regime Complex for Plant Genetic Resources,” International Organization, 58(2), 277–309. Schmidt, Vivien A.
Chin 29 to assume “great responsibility,” or plurilateral-driven burden-sharing, as rooted in its domestic politics and the need for politicians and state ofﬁcials to placate domestic developmental interests (Narlikar, 2007, 2013; Mukherjee and Malone, 2011). Russia is said to have limited commitment to global multilateralism in the service of an “international society,” and is mainly interested instead in managing great power relations via multi-polarity, that is, great power balancing, rather than multilateralism (Makarychev and Morozov, 2011).