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By Sandra Chung

With this research of Maori and Chamorro, Sandra Chung and William Ladusaw make a necessary contribution to the starting to be literature at the formal semantic research of non-Indo-European languages. Their final concentration is on how the examine of those Austronesian languages can remove darkness from the choices for semantic interpretation and their interplay with syntactic constitution. Revisiting the research of indefiniteness by way of constrained loose variables, they declare that a few types of indefinites are greater analyzed by means of taking limit and saturation to be basic semantic operations.Chapters research the final subject of modes of composition (including predicate limit and syntactic as opposed to semantic saturation), kinds of indefinite determiners in Maori, and item incorporation in Chamorro (including discussions of the additional item and restrict with out saturation). The authors' objective is that the 2 case reviews they provide, and their better specialise in modes of composition, will give a contribution to a broader account of the interplay of shape, place, and semantic interpretation.

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She defines semantic incorporation of a property P into a verb’s meaning as follows (1998, 132): (31) lPlwlxby [Verb w (x,y)5Pw (y)] On our view, (31) represents a kind of type-shifting of the predicate to resolve the type mismatch between the semantically incomplete argument and the predicate. It creates a predicate with a second-order incompleteness, allowing the predicate to compose directly with the property. On this view, the property semantically saturates the predicate. In addition, the existential closure of the entity variable is stipulated as part of the predicate interpretation, thus ensuring that this entity argument is saturated before composition.

We can see the Novelty Condition at work in stretches of Maori narrative in which there are two noun phrases with the same descriptive content. If the second noun phrase is headed by he or te¯tahi, it must have a reference distinct from that of the first noun phrase, because the discourse referent that it contributes cannot have already been introduced. Sentence (19a), for instance, literally means ‘Some i slept and somej woke to do their work’. This sentence cannot mean ‘Some i slept, and (then) theyi woke to do their work’, though there would be nothing incoherent about such an interpretation.

There is a clear parallel between our proposed operation Restrict and van Geenhoven’s semantic incorporation. However, she implements her operation in a way that renders it saturating. She defines semantic incorporation of a property P into a verb’s meaning as follows (1998, 132): (31) lPlwlxby [Verb w (x,y)5Pw (y)] On our view, (31) represents a kind of type-shifting of the predicate to resolve the type mismatch between the semantically incomplete argument and the predicate. It creates a predicate with a second-order incompleteness, allowing the predicate to compose directly with the property.

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