Download Monsanto and Intellectual Property in South America by Felipe Amin Filomeno (auth.) PDF

By Felipe Amin Filomeno (auth.)

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Extra resources for Monsanto and Intellectual Property in South America

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The final meeting, referred to as Encuentro de Pilar, did not produce a consensus but there were some agreements, for instance regarding the system that should be applied to monitor the seed market (CONINAGRO 2010: 30). For FAA the position taken by the four associations was relevant because it was expressed by ‘the totality of the corporate representation of the most important sector of the national economy’, which ‘will have to be taken into account by the government because it comes from the sector that in the previous year provided tax revenues of 9,200 million pesos just in the form of export taxes’ (FAA 2005: 63, author’s translation).

The ontological perspective adopted allowed ‘for partly autonomous individual [national] processes as well as strong effects on social interaction by . . collectively created structures [transnational processes]’ (Tilly 2008: 7). Three national narratives were juxtaposed to reveal not only how local institutions, resources and strategies affected IP regimes but also how connections across the three countries shaped their collective trajectory. 13 South American soybean agriculture was selected for investigation not only because of the puzzles it presents for major theories about the formation of IP regimes.

In the 1990s, the associations that represented them also represented segments of the agribusiness that had conflicting interests in relation to IP (such as seed companies and transnational corporations). Lawsuits, parliamentary lobby and other strategies were carried out independently by associations at state level instead of on a national front. Their discourse was focused on the distributive aspects of IP disputes (royalty values) as opposed to broader issues that could have enlarged their basis of support (such as national sovereignty or food security).

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