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By Brian TIERNEY

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Both spaces included a museum comprising an astonishing range of things, far more than just the ‘charts and maps [. 67 In each, the visitor encountered natural, ethnographic, artificial, and textual material of that extraordinary variety found in contemporary cabinets of curiosity. , “Sites of Anatomy, Botany, and Natural History” in Park K. – Daston L. ), The Cambridge History of Science. Volume 3: Early Modern Science (Cambridge: 2006) 272–289, here 283. 65 Veendorp H. , Hortvs Academicvs Lvgdvno-Batavvs 1587– 1937 (Harlem: 1938) 36.

Iohannis Walæi Oratio inavgvralis (Leiden: 1633). , Oratio 7–8. , Oratio 30–31. , Johannes Walaeus (Assen: 1972) 142. J. ), Sir Thomas Browne and the Republic of Letters. , Sea-Changes: Studies in Three Centuries of Anglo-Dutch Cultural Transmission (Amsterdam: 1996) 1–30. 14 15 20 reid barbour and soul – also testify to Browne’s dissatisfaction with a curriculum that reduced wisdom to praxis. Leiden’s faculty was neither stultifying nor innovative in the medical world of the seventeenth century.

12 For Browne, the scion of a London merchant, this intimacy between the desiderata of physicians or naturalists and the goals of ‘the hard-headed merchant’13 established a pattern of livelihood that he pursued for the rest of his life, one in which the responsible and assiduous fulfilment of a medical living coincided with a heightened curiosity for and attention to the materials of the world. , “Civic Humanism and Scientific Scholarship at Leiden”, in Bender T. ), The University and the City: From Medieval Origins to the Present (Oxford: 1988) 59–78, here 63.

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