By Hanna Herzog, Ann Braude (eds.)
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Additional info for Gendering Religion and Politics: Untangling Modernities
Progressive Protestants, by contrast, tended to view Catholics as the main obstacle to reform. Billy Sunday and other revivalists never tired of warning their congregations of the menace that the “hordes of foreigners” were posing to Christian America and of blaming the “foreign vote” for blocking Prohibition. Only “a great AngloSaxon majority,” he warned, “could overcome this foreign inﬂuence” (McLoughlin 1978: 140–78). The ratiﬁcation of Prohibition in 1920 turned out to be the ﬁnal Pyrrhic victory of the Protestant crusade.
The ﬁnal section offers a tentative comparative sketch of what could be called the religious politics of gender within Catholicism and Islam. The Catholic Discourse on Heretical Modernity and the Modern Discourse on Catholicism As religious regimes, both Catholicism and Islam preceded and are likely to outlast the modern world system of nation-states. The very attribute transnational only makes sense in relation to the Westphalian system of sovereign territorial states that emerged in early modernity and eventually replaced the system of medieval Christendom.
Only a teleological normative version of a single progressive and unilinear Western modernity can construct such historical responses as fundamentalist reactions. Ironically, it was the 1804 Concordat with Napoleon that served as the blueprint for the successive concordats with secular states, which allowed the papacy to regain control of the national hierarchies. In the course of the nineteenth century, as conﬂicts with the liberal state became endemic throughout Europe and Latin America, it became increasingly evident that it was easier to safeguard papal claims in Anglo-Saxon countries that had institutionalized freedom of religion than in Latin Catholic countries, even when Catholicism was ofﬁcially established as the state religion.