Download Contrastiveness in Information Structure, Alternatives and by Chungmin Lee, Ferenc Kiefer, Manfred Krifka PDF

By Chungmin Lee, Ferenc Kiefer, Manfred Krifka

A team of authors containing either top experts and younger researchers addresses a few problems with contrastiveness, polarity goods and exhaustivity, quantificational expressions and the implicatures they generate, and the interplay among semantic operators and speech acts. the nineteen contributions offer insights at the interaction among semantics and pragmatics. The volume’s achieve is cross-linguistic and takes an unorthodox multi-paradigm technique. Languages studied variety from ecu languages together with Hungarian and Russian to East Asian languages akin to eastern and Korean, with wealthy information on concentration and discourse debris. This quantity contributes to an immense quarter of study in linguistics of the decade, and offers novel, state of the art perspectives on a number of the principal subject matters in linguistic learn, and may entice an viewers of graduate and complex undergraduate researchers in linguistics, philosophy of language and computational linguistics.

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Extra info for Contrastiveness in Information Structure, Alternatives and Scalar Implicatures

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B: No, RITA married Sam. a. [IP Sue married Sam]1 b. [IP2 ∼ 1 C [IP1 RitaF married Sam]] [[IP1]] f = {λw: marryw (x, Sam)│x ∈ De} (cf. Mayr 2010, adopting Rooth 1992) A: Sue married Sam? Did SUECF marry Sam↑ or did RITACF marry Sam↓? ) (25’) B: No, RITACF married Sam. ” equivalent to (28). It is possible only if there are immediately relevant alternative referents presupposed in the context. It is distinct from ordinary wh-Qs that denote a set of multiple alternative possibilities, out of which one individual (say, Rita) that corresponds to the wh-word is chosen in the answer.

Such correctives and all explicitly refuting constructions form CF-marked ALT-Qs. [not X but Y (X, Y are identical sub-clausal categories)] (Lee 2009, in press) is a typical CF construction constituting metalinguistic negation (see also Horn 1989). (25) and (26) can also be effective with an anaphoric proposition from the context but we must make sure that we set up a list of immediately relevant alternatives to CF-mark them in an overt or covert ALT-Q. One alternative appears in the surface Contrastive Topic, Contrastive Focus, Alternatives, … 15 answer, CF-marked by inheritance from the previous ALT-Q.

CT. It is the general understanding in the literature since Kuno (1973) that all the occurrences of -wa phrases in a sentence can be interpreted as contrastive, while only the first (left-most) occurrence can be interpreted as thematic; that is, the first occurrence is ambiguous. From which, all the instances of -wa phrases in (3) can be interpreted as instances of CT. 2 26 K. Yabushita (4) a. Dare-ga dare-ni kisu-o-shita no. who-Nom who Dat kiss-Acc-did Q issed b. Dewa, Larry-wa well, Nina-ni-wa kisu-o-shita no Larry-CT Nina-Dat-CT kiss-Acc-did Q CT kiss NinaCT c.

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