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By Kathleen Collins

Exploring the various roots of clans, and their political function and transformation through the Soviet and post-Soviet sessions, this quantity argues that clans are casual political actors severe to realizing nearby politics. It demonstrates that the Soviet method was once a long way much less profitable in remodeling and controlling imperative Asian society by means of removing extended family identities, than has frequently been assumed. Clans truly inspired and limited the regime's political trajectory more and more, throughout the later Soviet and post-Soviet sessions, and made liberalizing political and financial reforms very tricky.

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18 Recent contributions to the transitions school have often focused on the “post-communist” cases and the peculiarities of the “Soviet legacy,” without distinguishing the vast variation in that legacy from Hungary to Tajikistan. 20 A related problem is that few scholars have systematically incorporated the role of society and social organization, either in driving, facilitating, or inhibiting democratization and democratic consolidation. This is somewhat surprising, given the powerful role of social movements in the political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Baltics, in contrast with the silent role of society in most of Central Asia, where autocracies emerged.

26–27; and Andrew Shryock, Nationalism, p. 313. On collectivist culture and institutions, see Avner Greif, “Historical and Comparative,” pp. 80–84. Gregory Massell, Surrogate Proletariat; Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, Tribes and State; Richard Tapper, “Anthropologists, Historians, and Tribespeople”; and Mounira Charrad, States and Women’s Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). On the “strong ties” of kinship, see James Gibson, “Social Networks, Civil Society, and the Prospects for Consolidating Russia’s Democratic Transition,” American Journal of Political Science, vol.

Until economic or political conditions give clans substantial incentive to invest in the state, they are unlikely to do so. In the meantime, clan-based politics is all too likely to instigate a negative cycle that can move from clan conflict over political and economic assets, to armed violence between clans in pursuit or defense of their clan’s interests. 68 69 Deborah Yashar, “Democracy, Indigenous Movements and the Postliberal Challenge to Latin America,” World Politics, vol. 52, no. 1 (1999), p.

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